Clinton, Whitewater & Lewinski, from "The American President" website. I quote:

"Unlike any president in history, Clinton was besieged by attackers with a determination and a vehemence that bordered on outright hatred by his opponents, especially on the far right-wing of the Republican Party. The nation had never seen anything quite like this display of vitriol. By the end of his term, Clinton found himself, his staff, and the First Lady the subject of numerous special investigations. By the end of 1999, no indictment or specific charges of criminal activity by the president or Hillary Clinton had resulted from these investigations, although several of their Arkansas associates have been indicted, tried, convicted, and imprisoned—including Clinton's replacement as governor of Arkansas.

Whitewater and Paula Jones

The most serious attacks on the president were those which charged him with a White House cover-up of financial impropriety in his Arkansas investments prior to becoming president. The issue involved a failed savings and loan company operated by Clinton business associates, James and Susan McDougal, who had questionable business dealings in real estate on the Whitewater River in Arkansas. Once the charges of a possible cover-up were made, Clinton's attorney general, Janet Reno, called for a special prosecutor to be named. When the first special prosecutor, Republican Robert B. Fiske, Jr., turned up no evidence of crimes or cover up, Republicans demanded his removal. Under the Independent Counsel statute, a federal court replaced Fiske with Kenneth Starr, a conservative attorney and former federal judge also retained by various right-wing clients and anti-Clinton corporations, namely tobacco firms.

Searching for evidence of crime and cover-up, Starr began an open-ended inquiry into every corner of Clinton's life, both before and during his presidency. No stone was left unturned, including an unprecedented subpoena of the First Lady to testify about the surprise appearance of subpoenaed but lost billing records from the Rose Law Firm (in which she had been a partner in Arkansas) that mysteriously turned up on a table in the White House. Any personal or business associate of the Clintons, past and present members of his political staff and administration, and just about anyone who might have knowledge of their private and public actions were subject to subpoenas as witnesses to be questioned. Any criminal actions uncovered in the search for evidence against Clinton were subject to prosecution regardless of their links to Whitewater or to the president. This open-ended use of the special prosecutor's office marked a new step in how the political opponents of an incumbent president might use the law to target the chief executive and then determine if he might have committed a crime. (This inverted the normal presumption of due process, which is to find evidence of a crime and then investigate to see who might have committed it.)

Although the Clintons weathered the storm for the most part, it is clear that much of their time was spent dealing with their defense. His first major setback came in May 27, 1997 when the Supreme Court ruled 9 to 0 in Clinton v. Jones that the sexual harassment suit brought against the president by Paula Jones could go forward while he was in office. Faced with the likelihood of a civil trial, Clinton agreed to a settlement in the case, paying Jones nearly $1 million but without making an apology or admission of guilt. Later he was ordered to pay a fine ordered by a federal judge for his misleading testimony in the early stages of the case.

Lewinsky Affair and Impeachment

Just as the Jones sexual harassment case seemed to be over, the news broke in January of 1998 that a young White House intern named Monica Lewinsky had had a sexual relationship with the president. Clinton denied the charges on national TV. Starr then expanded his Whitewater investigation, alleging that Clinton had lied under oath in the Paula Jones case when he had denied having had sex with Lewinsky. The special prosecutor was convinced that Clinton had lied, that he had tried to cover up the affair, and that he had instructed others to obstruct justice by lying on his behalf.

The next seven months found the American public consumed by the Lewinsky affair, following every nuance of the investigation by Starr and debating the merits of the case. Nothing like this had so captured the attention of the American public since Watergate and Nixon's resignation from office. Startling revelations came out, including taped interviews in which Lewinsky described details of the affair as well as a dress that contained samples of the president's DNA. On August 17, 1998, Clinton acknowledged in a televised address to the nation his "inappropriate" conduct with Lewinsky, that he had lied about it to the nation, and that he had misled his wife. But he refused to admit having ever instructed anyone else to lie or of trying to orchestrate a cover-up involving anyone else. A stunned nation fully expected his resignation or impeachment.

Starr then sent his report to the House of Representatives alleging that there were grounds for impeaching Clinton for lying under oath, obstruction of justice, abuse of powers, and other offenses. After a vitriolic series of House hearings, all of which were televised, and the release of thousands of documents about the matter and their posting on the Internet, the House Judiciary Committee recommended that an impeachment inquiry commence on a strictly partisan vote. The televised House inquiry riveted the American public to their televisions. The House adopted two articles of impeachment—charging the president with perjury in his grand jury testimony and obstructing justice in his dealings with various potential witnesses.

The Senate, charged under the Constitution with judging the evidence, opened its trial in mid-January 1999, and it became immediately clear that a two-thirds majority vote to convict Clinton and remove him from office would not emerge. Those voting against impeachment argued that these were private matters, involving "low" and tawdry actions, and not "high crimes and misdemeanors" involving offenses against the state. Those voting against Clinton argued that even in private matters, a president who commits perjury and obstructs justice is subverting the rule of law, and it is that subversion that becomes the "high crime," and not the original offense. He was acquitted on both counts on February 12, 1999. Forty-five Republican senators voted guilty while forty-five Democrats and ten Republicans voted for acquittal. On the second article of obstruction of justice, fifty Republicans voted for conviction while forty-five Democrats and five Republicans voted for acquittal. Thus, the second president to have been impeached in U.S. history (Andrew Johnson was the first) remained in office, acquitted and with two years left in his second term."

http://www.americanpresident.org/kotrain/courses/BC/BC_Domestic_Affairs.htm